{"id":6438,"date":"2026-05-26T00:41:04","date_gmt":"2026-05-26T00:41:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/swaidamag.com\/archiv-5\/"},"modified":"2026-05-26T00:42:15","modified_gmt":"2026-05-26T00:42:15","slug":"archiv-5","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/swaidamag.com\/en\/archiv-5\/","title":{"rendered":"The Secret Organization among the Druze and Transjordan"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Nawras Aziz<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

1. Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the previous article (1), we reviewed Sultan \u0628\u0627\u0634\u0627 al-Atrash\u2019s refusal, along with that of some of his close associates, to go and meet the French mission in Swaida. We also examined the tensions that arose between some Druze leaders and Sultan as a result of his position. This raises the following question: why did Sultan al-Atrash adopt that position despite all the facilitation the French could have offered him? And what is the relationship between the secret organization in the mountain, founded by Rashid Talai\u2018, and those orientations?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

2. The Central Figure<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Who was Rashid Talai\u2018? (2)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He was born in the village of Jdeidet al-Shouf in Mount Lebanon, and he was the grandson of the Druze religious leader in Lebanon, Sheikh Hassan Talai\u2018. He studied in Lebanon before moving to the School of Tribes\u2019 Administration Institute in Istanbul.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He held several positions and offices in the Ottoman state, including district governor of Baalbek, district governor of al-Zabadani, district governor of Rashaya, and later Hasbaya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

His first post in the Hauran region was as district governor of the town of Ahera (modern-day Ariqa), and then as district governor of al-Masmiyah near the mountain. He later served as a deputy in the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies representing the Hauran Mutasarrifate, then became governor of Hauran, and later of Tripoli of the Levant, and governor of Latakia in 1915.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He joined the al-\u2018Ahd al-\u2018Arabi (Arabian Young Society), and in 1918, after the defeat of the Ottomans, he joined the Military Council in Damascus and served as Director of the Interior.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

After the French entered Syria, many figures from the Arab movement and the Independence Party fled to Transjordan, led by Rashid Talai\u2018, the party\u2019s leader. There, he joined Prince Abdullah ibn Hussein and formed the first government of the Emirate of Transjordan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He played a major role in supporting the anti-French wing in Jabal al-Druze, especially in 1921\u20131922, foremost among them the secret Youth Society in the mountain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He played a central role in the Great Syrian Revolt, which began in 1925, especially after the French reoccupied Swaida in April 1926. His name appeared dozens of times in French documents as an instigator, financial intermediary, and military leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He died in the village of Shbeiki on 19 September 1926, with information appearing in one French document stating that he had been poisoned (3).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

3. Official Documents<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

We shall now review a collection of documents preserved in the French Military Archives in Vincennes, near Paris. These documents provide insights into the secret organization involving several Druze figures and their connections to Transjordan and Prince Abdullah, who represented Sharif Hussein. It should be noted that in French colonial documentation, the term “Sharifian Party” (Parti Ch\u00e9rifien) is used to refer to all supporters of Prince Abdullah and those maintaining links with Transjordan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first document (4)<\/strong> is an intelligence report numbered 9\/R, dated July 21, 1921. It details agents and couriers operating for Rashid Talai\u2018 and Prince Abdullah:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

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  1. Najib ibn Ibrahim al-Halabi:<\/strong>\u00a0Originally from Aley, residing in the Mountain since his escape from prison. He served as a courier for Najm al-Halabi.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  2. Hamad al-Barbour:<\/strong>\u00a0From Umm al-Rumman.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  3. Yousef Shahin:<\/strong>\u00a0From al-Tha\u2018lah. He departed twelve days prior, accompanied by Fadlallah ibn Faris Izz al-Din al-Halabi, heading toward Transjordan.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  4. Saeed al-Safadi:<\/strong>\u00a0From al-Qurayya. He arrived on July 15, carrying messages from Rashid Talai\u2018 to Sultan al-Atrash, Yahya Kiwan, and Turki \u2018Amir.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  5. Ali \u2018Ubayd:<\/strong>\u00a0From al-Mujaymir. Originally from Swaida. He hosted Rashid Talai\u2018 during his stay in the Mountain and did not leave the city until two or three days before the arrival of French forces in Swaida.<\/li>\n\n\n\n
  6. Saeed Sakhr:<\/strong>\u00a0From the Qanawat neighborhood (Damascus). He received messages from officers and officials loyal to Prince Abdullah via Ali \u2018Ubayd and was tasked with delivering them to recipients, who used him to send responses back to the south.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    The same document mentions the “Youth Society” (Jam\u2018iyat al-Shabiba), detailing the following: “A secret society in the Mountain, said to have been established by Rashid Talai\u2018 before he left the Mountain. It is alleged that Ali \u2018Ubayd from al-Mujaymir is its leader. Among its key members are Burjas al-Atrash, Muhammad Izz al-Din al-Halabi, and several notables from Swaida. Messages addressed to this society bear no names; they are simply titled, \u2018To our brothers in the Youth Society.\u2019 Ali \u2018Ubayd receives these messages and distributes them throughout the Mountain.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The second document (5)<\/strong>, an intelligence report numbered 13\/R dated July 25, 1921, provides information on new figures involved in the organization:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    “Ali Dabbous, reported in Swaida upon his arrival in the Mountain carrying messages from Transjordan, is currently in al-Hit. Najib al-Halabi and Yousef Bou Sa\u2018ada (whose mother resides in Swaida) have arrived in the Mountain. The former is said to be carrying messages from Rashid Talai\u2018 to Najm al-Halabi, while the latter carries messages from As\u2018ad Beyk al-Atrash to Ali \u2018Ubayd from al-Mujaymir.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The third document (6)<\/strong>, an intelligence report numbered 14\/R, outlines the activities of the Druze organization:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    “Sharifian propaganda continues to intensify. It is alleged that a memorandum from Transjordan has arrived and is being circulated in the city and Jabal al-Druze. The Druze are promised complete independence upon Abdullah\u2019s arrival in Damascus, along with significant privileges. The Arab Revolt, which expelled the Turks, is glorified as having no goal other than expelling foreigners. It is also alleged that Selim Pasha al-Atrash went to Damascus to fetch troops, for which he is accused of selling his country to the French under the burden of the military occupation weighing upon Syria. His stubbornness and incompetence will lead to the misery of Jabal al-Druze. (These statements are attributed to Ali \u2018Ubayd and Fahd and resonate with the local population). I could not determine whether Fahd is indeed Fahd al-Atrash.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The fourth intelligence report (7)<\/strong>, numbered 15\/R and dated August 5, 1921, identifies new individuals linked to Transjordan:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    “Abd al-Karim al-Atrash continues to conduct propaganda in favor of Abdullah, assisted by Ali \u2018Ubayd. On August 2, five residents left Swaida to enlist with Abdullah. To pass through Hauran, one of them used the name \u2018al-Atrash.\u2019 They were arrested in al-Musayfirah by the District Director, Khalil Beyk, and transferred under guard to Deraa. They were carrying messages from Abd al-Karim al-Atrash, Ali \u2018Ubayd, and Muhammad Effendi, the Gendarmerie Commander.” The document also reports the departure of 14 other Druze to Transjordan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    A significant note in this report states: “It is confirmed that Ibrahim Hananu spent the night of July 25\u201326 in al-Tha\u2018lah at the home of Najm Pasha al-Halabi, accompanied by two horsemen.” The French had previously learned of Ibrahim Hananu\u2019s intention\u2014he was a wanted man\u2014to take refuge in Jabal al-Druze and had recruited 20 gendarmes to intercept him, but they failed to do so. Many intelligence reports mention new figures collaborating with the Sharifian party and maintaining links with Transjordan; in the third episode of this series, we reviewed the role of Asad al-Atrash and the 16 Druze horsemen accompanying him, whom French forces used as a pretext for the military occupation of the Mountain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The fifth document (8)<\/strong>, an intelligence report numbered 17\/R and dated August 15, 1921, provides a translation of an article from the newspaper Al-Muqattam<\/em>, published on August 7, 1921, containing news dated Amman, August 2, 1921:<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    “News from Jabal al-Druze informs us that its inhabitants have refused to accept the French delegate whom the French authorities intended to send to the capital, Swaida, with the assistance of their local supporters, such as Selim Pasha al-Atrash and \u2018Aqlah al-Qatami. Delegations of Druze leaders and notables are arriving in Amman in large numbers, submitting requests for the annexation of Jabal al-Druze to Transjordan. We have learned that the residents of the Mountain have requested Mr. Tringa to withdraw; he has returned to Damascus. Mr. Tringa is the same individual who was sent last year to Deir ez-Zor and was forced to leave immediately.”<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    4. Key Takeaways<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Through our review of the aforementioned documents, we can draw the following substantive conclusions regarding the nature of the organization and the political dynamics of that period:<\/p>\n\n\n\n